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Ghost companies lift N1.1trillion oil from Nigeria *The NNPC connection

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Smarting from the allegation of N26billion shady contract awards, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), is once again in the news for the wrong reason, this time for allowing some unregistered companies to lift crude valued at N1.1trillion ($3.5billion).

Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Ibe Kachikwu, had a few months ago raised a lot of dust, when he revealed that the company, Nigeria’s cash cow, awarded contracts worth about N26billion without the approval of the board, as prescribed by law.

In a comprehensive report, which again questioned the integrity of the operations of the corporation in the regime of President Muhammadu Buhari, which has vowed to stamp out corruption from Nigeria, Daily Trust on Sunday, unearthed another dark side, this time in the mind-boggling oil lifting deal.

Read the report: Some indigenous companies not registered by the Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC) have lifted Nigerian crude oil grades valued at $3.5 billion (about N1.1 trillion) in the last 10 months, an investigation by Daily Trust on Sunday has shown.

A four-month enquiry into Nigerian and global corporate registries by our reporter showed that the repeated failure by the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) to provide clear and accurate identity of some companies it awarded multi-million dollar oil lifting contracts this year is helping these companies to escape public scrutiny.

This is even as the corporation prepares for another round of award, as it had, in late October, issued a tender seeking companies to engage in the lifting of Nigerian crude oil grades for the 2018/2019 term.

The main problem started on January 3, 2017 when the NNPC announced 39 successful winners for its crude lifting contract that would run for 12 months. The announcement was followed by a release of the names of the winners to newsmen and in a post on its official website.

The names of the 18 beneficiary Nigerian companies were simply given as Prudent Energy; Setana Energy; Emo oil; Bono; Optima Energy; Shoreline Limited; AMG Petroenergy; A. A. Rano; Cassiva Energy and Arkleen Oil and Gas Limited. Others are North West Petroleum; Brittania-U; Hyde Energy; Eterna Oil and Gas; Masters Energy; MRS Oil and Gas; Sahara Energy and Oando.

Part of the mandatory pre-qualification requirement for the Nigerian companies that applied for the contract as requested by the NNPC was evidence of company registration issued by the CAC.

Daily Trust on Sunday wrote to the CAC seeking information on the registration statuses of the 18 indigenous companies that won the contract. But the commission replied that it had no evidence of the registration of seven of the 18 companies.

It listed AMG Petroenergy Limited, Brittania-U, Cassiva Energy, Hyde Energy, Masters Energy and Bono Energy Nigeria Limited as companies that didn’t exist on its database.

“If you have any document to support their registration, you may wish to forward them to us to enable us investigate further,” CAC’s reply dated September 26, 2017 and signed by Terver Ayua-Jor stated.

The name of the last company in the CAC response letter was misspelled as Savana Energy instead of Sahara Energy as requested by this newspaper.

“That shows that the company is not registered, the name does not exist,” said an Abuja-based lawyer with experience in companies’ registration.

“You cannot build something on nothing,” the lawyer, who did not want to be named, said about the legal implication of a company not being registered, adding that Section 30, subsection 1 (a) of the Companies and Allied Matters Act (CAMA) states that the CAC cannot register companies with identical names.

A Freedom of Information (FOI) request dated August 9, 2017 to the NNPC asking for the authentic names of the 18 indigenous companies as well as their crude oil entitlements, has not been replied by the corporation as at the time of filing this report.

Some top NNPC officials responsible for crude sales approached for confidential response to the discrepancies in the companies’ identities also did not respond for months.

The refusal to make information about the real identities of the companies available contradicts provisions of the Public Procurement Act, 2007, which is the legal framework for contract award and public procurement in Nigeria.

Section 38 (2) of the Act requires every procuring government entity to, on request, make available the comprehensive record of procurement proceedings to “(a) any person after a tender, proposal, offer or quotation has been accepted or after procurement proceedings have been terminated without resulting in a procurement contract.”

Independent analyses conducted through foreign corporate registration databases like open corporate, fara.gov and websites of the 18 indigenous companies showed that the NNPC may have deliberately fed the public with the incorrect legal names of entities to which it is entrusting billions of dollar worth of oil sales.

For instance, a web-based search for ‘Cassiva Energy,’ one of the companies given by the NNPC as oil lifting contract beneficiary, showed that no entity exists as ‘Cassiva Energy.’ Instead, Casiva Limited was found.

Casiva Limited announced on its website, NNPC’s 2017/2018 crude off take award to the company as one of the jobs it had executed.

Also, AMG Petroenergy, which the NNPC awarded the contract and the CAC said didn’t exist in its database, has a company website named as AMG Petroenergy Limited.

“AMG is very well established in Nigeria’s oil and gas downstream. Currently, AMG markets 90,000 barrels per day of crude oil in the international market from the NNPC,” the website stated about the company’s business objectives.

Daily Trust on Sunday wrote to AMG Petroenergy Limited through the main contact email address on its website, asking questions pertaining to the exact name it signed the NNPC contract with, its crude entitlements, as well as how it markets, transports or otherwise disposes of the crude cargoes it receives under its contract(s) with the commission, but the company did not reply.

Again, Brittania-U, one of the companies the CAC said didn’t exist in its database, has a website that announced the company as “a leader in Nigeria’s petroleum industry” and “a major player in the upstream and downstream sectors” operating in Nigeria for over 20 years as an indigenous integrated company.

“You can’t find Brittania-U Nigeria Limited? Please! Please!” Catherine Uju Ifejika, chairman/chief executive officer of the company responded in an irate tone when our reporter contacted her about why the company could not be found in the CAC record.

“I signed the contract (as Brittania-U Nigeria Limited). There is only one company that is Brittania-U Nigeria Limited,” Ifejika said after reminding our reporter of her 35-year experience as a lawyer and, therefore, couldn’t have made any mistake about the contract she signed.

“There is nobody in the industry that does not know Brittania-U as a group with almost seven companies in it,” she also added.

When she was told that the name emanated from the NNPC, Mrs Ifejika said, “It is not the NNPC, you people (journalists) are the ones that make up this state of confusion. Why would the NNPC give a company that is not in existence?’’

In response to a question on why the NNPC published her company’s name simply as Brittania-U, she said, “I don’t care what they (NNPC) have out (published). I didn’t even look at what they have out. I signed an agreement between myself, my company and the NNPC. The grand norm is the agreement.”

A web-based search of ‘Masters Energy,’ another company in the NNPC award list the CAC records showed didn’t exist, pulled Masters Energy Oil and Gas Ltd instead, as the closest semblance to the latter in Nigeria.

Masters Energy Oil and Gas Ltd, according to the information in its website, was incorporated in Nigeria in 2005 to “operate fully in the oil and gas sector.”

It is as a member of Masters Energy Group owned by a Nigerian oil magnate and politician, Mr. Uchechukwu Sampson Ogah, who, on June 27, 2016, was declared governor of Abia State by a Federal High Court in Abuja, but a Supreme Court judgement truncated his ambition.

Daily Trust on Sunday contacted the company’s spokesman, Emmanuel Iheanacho, on the name of the entity or subsidiary/sister company/companies the contract was directly awarded, including examples of cargoes of Nigerian crude that the company traded prior to signing the contract with the NNPC. Mr. Iheanacho acknowledged receipt of the questions but replied in a text: “I cannot respond from where I am. Thanks so much for your professional approach,” explaining earlier that he was “out of office for the next three to four weeks,” so he couldn’t reply.

Our reporter reached out to the other companies through an email address or phone numbers on the websites that matched their companies’ names, but they did not respond to either say they received or did not receive crude sales award from the NNPC in 2017.

The spokesman of the NNPC, Ndu Ughamadu, promised to address the questions raised in the August 9, 2017 FOI request, but response was still being awaited as at press time.

The NNPC, however, had in January 2017 replied a query on similar matter, stating that it made the “difficult choice” not to publish the winners’ full names in an effort to protect them and “gullible buyers” from fraudsters.

Crude market and industry professionals, however, disagreed, saying that in an oil market commonly marred by fraud and illegal sales, precision around company identities is important.

“I believe transparency is a major challenge in the Nigerian business environment. It should be easy to know who the traders and shippers are and their qualifications to undertake the tasks,” said Emeka Duruigbo, a professor of Energy and Business Law at Thurgood Marshall School of Law, Houston, Texas.

“Corruption, ineptitude and inefficiency thrive in the midst of opacity,” Duruigbo, who has knowledge of the workings of the international oil market said.

How dodgy companies pocket margins from $3.5bn oil

The crude term sale contracts to companies, including those awarded the 18 Nigerian oil companies, are among the most significant deals the NNPC signs yearly because crude sales are government’s largest revenue stream.

When in January 3, 2017, the corporation announced successful winners for the contract, it also stated that all the companies (excluding Duke Oil, NNPC subsidiary), were to receive 32,000 barrels per day (b/d) of the Nigerian equity crude.

Consequently, about 67.2 million barrels of Nigerian crude may have been lifted from January to October 2017 by AMG Petroenergy Limited, Brittania-U, Cassiva Energy, Hyde Energy, Masters Energy, Bono Energy Nigeria Limited and Sahara, which are the seven companies that were not found in the CAC database.

The 67.2 million barrels of oil was arrived at after multiplying 32,000 barrels daily lifting by the seven companies for 10 months.

The NNPC, in a November 27 statement, quoted its Group General Manager, Corporate Planning and Strategy, Mr. Bala Wunti, to have said that average crude oil price between January and October 2017 was $52.49 barrels per day.

Therefore, multiplying $52.49 by 67.2 million barrels crude shows that the value of oil lifted by the seven companies with identity problems may be worth as much as $3.5 billion in the market, or N1.1 trillion at the official exchange rate of N307 to a dollar.

The margins collected by these companies from the sales of the $3.5 billion worth of oil are mind-boggling if Daily Trust on Sunday’s calculation of the margins is anything to go by.

Market analysis shows that the NNPC sells the country’s crude share to the trading companies at a discounted price, when compared to Brent crude, the global crude benchmark.

Our reporter studied Argus and Platts, two of the leading global commodity markets price producers and found that the official selling price (OSP) the NNPC sets for Nigerian crude generally fluctuates, but they are often lower than a barrel of Brent crude, the benchmark for most of the oil produced in Africa.

Because some of these trading companies lack the financial and operational wherewithal to sell the oil, they instead resell or ‘flip,’ the oil they receive to larger, more experienced commodity traders and collect a margin on the sale.

According to findings by Daily Trust on Sunday, the standard margin traders rake in is about $0.3-0.4 per barrel, although the margin may vary considerably, depending on market conditions.

According to our estimates, each of the trading companies could be reaping as much as $3.8 million ($0.4 per barrel) margin monthly on a standard cargo load of 960,000 barrels (32,000 per day), depending on what it negotiated in the crude marketing agreement with the NNPC.

A 2012 House of Representatives committee audit, led by ex-lawmaker, Mr. Farouk Lawan, named some of these dodgy companies among oil marketers that collected subsidy funds from the Federal Government illegally. They were also listed as chronic tax defaulters to the government.

The Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) relied on Section 14 (1) (d) of the FOI Act to decline a Daily Trust on Sunday’s request for information on the seven companies’ outstanding tax liabilities.

“A public institution must deny any application that contains information required of any taxpayer in connection with the assessment or collections of any tax…” Wahab Gbadamosi, head of communications of the FIRS said.

There is no available public record that the companies made refunds to the government, but the NNPC continues to award oil lifting contracts to them.

This investigation was supported by a grant from the Natural Resource Governance Institute (NRGI). The NRGI had no editorial control over the content.

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Yahaya Bello and the EFCC Quandary: The Devil is in the Details – Ayoola Ajanaku

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The dust is yet to settle, following the efforts of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to arrest the immediate past governor of Kogi State, Yahaya Bello last week, on the heels of the anti-graft agency preparation to arraign him over corruption charges. This development is more than what meets the eye, as it’s laden with intricate details that are the kernel of this lucid treatise.

The attempt to arrest the ex-governor led to the gestapo like siege to his residence located in Wuse Zone 4, FCT earlier. Officials of the EFCC cordoned off the road and entrance to the residence of the former Kogi State governor for most of Wednesday.

Despite the heavy presence of EFCC operatives around Bello’s residence, his successor in office, Usman Ododo, paid him a solidarity visit. Ododo arrived the erstwhile helmsman’s residence in the afternoon and was cheered by the loyalists of the former governor who were present to give support to their embattled principal.

Also, while the siege on Bello’s residence was still on, two conflicting court rulings emerged in respect to the attempt to arrest of the former governor by the EFCC. One of the rulings, which came from a Kogi State High Court sitting in Lokoja, restrained the EFCC from arresting, detaining or prosecuting Bello.

Justice I.A Jamil, who gave the order in a ruling last week, stated that infringing on the fundamental human rights of the former Kogi helmsman is null and void except as authorised by the Court.

“By this order, the EFCC is hereby restrained from arresting, detaining and prosecuting the applicant except as authorised by the Court.

“This is a definite order following the earlier interim injunction given,” he averred.

In another twist in the yoyo-like locomotion of multiple judicial pronouncements, however, the EFCC obtained permission from the Federal High Court sitting in Abuja to arrest the ex-Kogi State governor in preparation to his arraignment on Thursday.

Justice Emeka Nwite granted the warrant this afternoon at the instance of the EFCC.

Love or hate Yahaya Bello, the pertinent questions begging for answers in this litigation are:

The EFCC had in March indicted Yahaya Bello, in an alleged diversion of about N100 billion, an offence said to have been committed months before he assumed office as governor in September 2015. If any third party dissects the budgetary appropriation of Kogi State and it’s IGR dispassionately then the numbers do not add up. The former helmsman meet a humongous liabilities and backlog of non-serviced facilities accruing to the Confluence State that had to be serviced. The pervasive prevarication that colossal funds found it’s into his pockets amount to ‘Alice in Wonderland’ tales.

The anti-graft agency had joined Yahaya Bello in the amended suit alongside the Chief of Staff to Kogi State Governor, Alli Bello, and one Daudu Suleiman, who was re-arraigned by the anti-graft agency before Justice James Omotoso of the Federal High Court, Abuja.

The ex-governor was not a defendant in the original suit, and was not in court on the said day.

Justice Omotoso had granted an accelerated hearing in the matter and had also ordered that all forms of objections must be kept in abeyance till the address stage and the charge were read to them.

In the first count, the former governor, and the two suspects were accused of conspiring with each other in September 2015 and converting N80, 246, 470, 089 to their personal use. For contextual and editorial alignment, the goalposts of allegations have witnessed shifting and amendments.

What court Order did the EFCC appeal against as well as the reason behind it?

It is a germane fact in public domain that the EFCC appealed against the Order granted on the 9th of February, 2024 by the High Court of Kogi State, the said order was an order restraining the EFCC from inviting, arresting or detaining the Applicant vide Notice of Appeal filed on 26th February, 2024.

Also, the EFCC further asked for a stay of Execution of the Interim Order at the Court of Appeal on 21st of March, 2024, which request was refused by the Court of Appeal.

However, on the 6th of March, 2024, in defiance of the interim Orders and their own pending appeal against the interim Order, the EFCC proceeded to prefer a 17 Count(s) Charge before Justice Nwite of the Federal High Court against Yahaya Bello.

The EFCC went further to resort to self help when on the 17th of March, 2024, it approached the same Federal High Court, Abuja, via an Ex-parte application and without informing the said court of the interim Order and their pending appeal against the interim order, to obtain an arrest warrant against the same person in respect of whose Order they had appealed to the court of appeal.

Akin to the above, if indeed the EFCC has nothing to conceal, why are they trying to muddle up the issues on account of the main judgement that was also subsequently delivered in the same High Court of Kogi State without recourse to the interim order that they appealed against and requested to be stayed, which request was refused?

The EFCC claims to have extended invitation to Yahaya Bello’s quarter immediately after his tenure elapsed on January 27th 2024. He has challenged the anti-graft agency to produce a copy of this invitation, including the delivery date and the recipient’s name and endorsement. There’s ample confidence on his part that they cannot provide ample evidence to this effect.

This sudden attempt at trying to confuse unsuspecting public with sentimental press statements and mug shot poster emblazoned with wanted message in capital letters. These actions intended to impugn and malign Yahaya Bello would not help them clear the infraction and abuse of the judicial process to give a dog a bag name to hang it. It’s a recurring decimal and standard MO of the anti-graft agency to embark on the route of smear campaign on suspects in a bid to gain an edge in the gallery of public opinion.

Again, by the admission of EFCC to the effect that they were at the Court of Appeal on the matter, and at the same time, approached a Federal High Court without informing the court of the subsisting order and appeal, is an admission of abuse of judicial process, and a fraudulent deceit of the court that has led it to granting conflicting Orders while appeal was pending.

This approach is a grave infraction of due process of law, subsequently, the statement issued by the learned counsel representing EFCC in the said matter amounts to trying to justify the infraction in a media trial which is unethical and not allowed or recognized in the legal profession.

The NJC should seriously investigate this matter as the conduct of the EFCC lawyer is clearly unethical and smirks of “Jankara” and “Boju Boju” practice of circumventing due course of the law.

The EFCC had appealed the order on March 11, 2024 and sought a stay of execution in Appeal No: CA/ABJ/CV/175/2024: Economic and Financial Crimes Commission v. Alhaji Yahaya Bello. The Court of Appeal did not grant the stay of execution, but fixed yesterday for hearing.

The appeal, however, failed to take place as the registrar told journalists that the appeal was not listed among the cases for the day.

The latest development in this jurisprudential tango, the embattled immediate past Governor of Kogi State, Yahaya Bello said he was ready to appear before the Federal High Court in Abuja to answer to the 19-count charge the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, preferred against him.

Though Bello was absent for his arraignment, he briefed a team of lawyers who addressed the court on his behalf on Tuesday. A member of his legal team, Mr. Adeola Adedipe, SAN, told the court that his client would have made himself available for the proceedings, but all he clamours for is the strict adherence to the rule of law.

“The defendant wants to come to court but he is afraid that there is an order of arrest hanging on his head,” Adedipe, SAN, submitted.

Consequently, he urged the court to set aside the exparte order of arrest it earlier issued against the former governor.

Adedipe, SAN, contended that as at the time the order of arrest was made, the charge had not been served on his client as required by the law.

He noted that it was only at the resumed proceedings on Tuesday that the court okayed substituted service of the charge on the defendant, through his lawyer.

“As at the time the warrant was issued, the order for substituted service had not been made. That order was just made this morning.

“A warrant of arrest should not be hanging on his neck when we leave this court,” counsel to the defendant added.

Time will tell where the pendulum will swing, as Yahaya Bello is fighting a battle of his life to untangle himself from the charges filed by the Nigeria’s anti-graft agency earlier that has caught the attention of all and sundry.

In a nutshell, the pontification of prominent Lutheran pastor in Germany, Martin Niemoller rings a bell in this scenario. “First they came for the socialists, and I did not speak out—because I was not a socialist. Then they came for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out -because I was not a trade unionist. Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out – because I was not a Jew. Then they came for me – and there was no one left to speak for me.”

Regardless of his exact words, Niemöller’s message remained consistent: he declared that through silence, indifference, and inaction worse things happen. Alas, reverse is the case as in this part of the world an individual is not presumed innocent until proven guilty. The hounds and irate mob are out and baying for blood aided by apparatus of power with a predetermined ploy to have Yahaya Bello’s head on a plate via the guillotine.

Ayoola Ajanaku is a Communications and Advocacy Specialist based in Lagos, Nigeria.

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Breach of contract: Shell sues Venture Global in US court

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•As NLNG risks sanctions from UK court

Following restriction of Liquefied Natural Gas LNG supply to its customers, Shell PLC has made claims against Venture Global LNG(VGL) a United States based LNG exporter, for its breach of contract to supply LNG cargoes.

Also, Nigeria LNG may risk sanctions from a UK High Court for a similar breach of an LNG supply contract.

Both Venture Global LNG and NLNG have been facing hurdles in the United States and in the United Kingdom for its breach of contract in a relatively similar fashion.

While Shell Plc filed its claim with U.S. regulators, the NLNG breach, has now been advanced to the UK High courts for further litigation.

Nigeria LNG is challenging the enforceability of the arbitral award’s demand order, issued by the arbitration panel.

According to Reuters report, Shell Plc has escalated its dispute with Venture Global LNG.

It accused the liquefied natural gas producer of restricting supply access to it and other customers, while exporting over $18 billion in LNG.

In a letter sent to the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, Shell requested the commission to compel Venture Global LNG to disclose plant commissioning data to clarify the cause of delayed commercial operations.

Shell and other European companies say they contracted with Venture Global LNG but did not get their gas cargoes under long-term contracts.

They alleged that Venture Global LNG has been selling gas from the plant for more than a year to others, costing them billions in lost profit.

On its part, Nigeria LNG was held to be in breach of contract by failing to deliver 19 cargoes under a contract it executed in January 2020.

The cargoes, which were due for delivery between October 2020 and October 2021, have not been delivered.

In pleadings made by NLNG in its Particulars of Claims to the High Court of Justice in England and Wales Commercial Court, it’s breach was confirmed by a final arbitration award dated 30th January 2023.

The arbitration tribunal comprised Mr John Beechey CBE, Mr J William Rowley KC and Mr Nevil Phillips.

Nigeria LNG Ltd., is significantly owned by Shell, Total, and Eni.

An industry expert cited similarities between the disputes involving Venture Global LNG and Nigeria LNG. The source attributed the challenge to the unexpected surge in the LNG market.

“The reason for this surge in disputes may be related to the unexpected turn in losses to highly profitable margins, as high as $90 million per cargo, at the beginning of the Russian Ukraine conflict, post Covid market recovery and a huge demand in Asia and European markets, it is seen as a golden era for LNG cargoes.

“This situation may have prompted numerous defaults on agreements, with major LNG suppliers opting to retain higher margins at the risk of lengthy litigations,” the source added.“

 

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We Have Put in Place definitive measures to Bolster our Production’ – Oando GCE, Wale Tinubu  

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After releasing the FY 2022 financial statements, Oando Plc has issued a press statement to address its net loss of N81.2 billion incurred in 2022, citing militancy and pipeline vandalism as major culprits.

Despite reporting a gross turnover of N1.99 trillion during the fiscal year, the group posted a loss after tax of N81.2 billion, a significant downturn from the N39.2 billion profit after tax posted in 2021.

Wale Tinubu, Group Chief Executive of Oando Plc, commenting on the result, noted,

“The heightened militancy and pipeline vandalism acts within the Niger Delta region dealt a substantial blow to our upstream operations, resulting in a marked reduction in our crude production volumes due to the protracted shut-ins for repair following each incidence. This was further compounded by a major gas plant fire incident which also necessitated a lengthy downtime.”

“Furthermore, a rise in our net interest expense due to increased interest rates on several of our major facilities in line with global rates increases, also contributed to our Loss after Tax position.”

“In response, we have put in place definitive measures to bolster our production and cash inflows towards ensuring a speedy return to profitability by collaborating with our partners to institute a comprehensive security framework aimed at permanently curbing the persistent pipeline vandalism whilst concurrently exploring inorganic growth opportunities to increase our reserves and production capabilities. We have also implemented a strategic restructuring of our key facilities to ensure they align with our cash flow dynamics.”

Recommended reading: Pipeline vandalism cost Nigeria N471 billion in 5 Years

Economic implication of oil theft in Nigeria

Theft and vandalism of oil installations is a major problem plaguing the oil and gas sector in Nigeria. The crime of oil theft has had a negative impact on the national economy and the business of local and international oil companies operating in the upstream sector.

Although there is no precise figure to quantify the financial impact of oil theft on the Nigerian economy, a study conducted by Dimkpa et al. (2023) estimates that Nigeria lost approximately $33.6 billion in oil revenue to oil theft between 2019 and 2022.

 A significant economic implication for Nigeria has been the consistent decline in oil production. Nigeria’s average oil production in 2022 was at 1.45 million barrels per day, an almost 1-million-barrel decline from the 2.4 million barrels per day produced by Nigeria in 2012.

In 2022, Oando’s total upstream production amounted to 20,703 barrels of oil equivalent per day (boe/day). This comprised 4,939 barrels per day of crude oil, 472 barrels per day of natural gas liquids, and 15,292 barrels per day of natural gas.

This figure represents a 22.7% decline from the 26,775 boe/d output reported by the group in 2021.

According to the company’s press statement, the decline in production was attributed to downtimes caused by shut-ins for repairs and sabotage activities.

In 2022, Oando Plc sold approximately 21.8 million barrels of crude oil, representing a 25% increase from the 17.4 million barrels sold in 2021. The group also sold about 1.94 million metric tonnes of refined petroleum, representing a 101% increase from the 962,371 metric tonnes sold in 2021.

Despite recording a decline in oil output, the group was able to sell an increased amount of crude oil due to its contracts with the then Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), ultimately contributing to its 148% revenue growth in 2022.

In 2022, Oando sold crude oil at an average realized oil price of $101.55/barrel and a gas price of $14.74/Boe, compared to 2021’s prices of $62.14/barrel for crude oil and $9.95/Boe for gas.

OMLs 60 to 63 gulped about $77.7 million in capital expenditure (CAPEX) from Oando, while OML 56 and OML 13 gulped about $22.6 million and $200,000 respectively. The group also spent $1.4 million in capital expenditure (CAPEX) on other assets.

As of 2022, Oando owned 20% stake in OMLs 60 to 63, as Nigerian Agip Oil Company (NAOC) also owned a 20% stake.

However, Oando is in the process of purchasing NAOC’s 20% stake in the oil fields, which will push its stake up to 40%.

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